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OPINION

How ISIS & Al-qaeda affiliates manipulate Amnesty International and other NGOS to survive in Africa

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By David Otto
 
“it is not the most powerful nor the most intelligent of actors that will survive new conflicts, it is the ones that are most adaptable to change” to paraphrase Charles Darwin.

For the past 5 years, ISIS and Al-Qaida affiliates in Africa- Alshabaab, Boko Haram and ISWAP (Boko Haram) have mastered the tactic of manipulating the eco-system of field researchers working for local and international Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs). The Jihadist take advantage of NGOs like Amnesty International (AI), Human Rights (HRW) and others to generate exaggerated and untrue Gross Violations of Human Rights (GVRH) and war crimes reports against the security and military forces of state and regional partners pursuing the global war on terror.
 
While the reports distract, demoralise state security and military forces and place them on the defensive, they legitimise and embolden the jihadists. The regularly produced and strategically published reports provide fresh oxygen for terrorist groups to survive, recover, build more violent capacity; produce online propaganda; and maintain the capacity to launch deadly attacks targeting soft civilian and hard military positions in Africa.
 
In Africa, ISIS and Al-Qaeda affiliated terrorist groups operate predominantly in North East Nigeria states of Borno, Adamawa and Yobe (BAY States); the fringes of Lake Chad Basin countries (Cameroon, Tchad, Niger Republic) and the Horn of Africa.
 
A field research, operations and reporting policy review of humanitarian watchdogs like Amnesty International (AI) and others operating in the Lake Chad Basin, the Sahel and Horn of Africa is overdue.
 
Background

Conflict or no conflict, sovereign states establish a social contract and duty to respect and protect the basic and fundamental human rights of all its citizens from violations and interference. The right to life; to private and family life; to freedom of thought; to freedom of speech; freedom of assembly and association; freedom of movement; to a fair hearing; to education; freedom from unlawful arrest and detention; to freedom of conscience and religion. These limited or qualified rights belong to everyone.
 
To balance national security and to safeguard the rights of others and the wider community, States and public authorities face the challenge of interfering with some inalienable rights in pursuit of restoring order, peace and security in asymmetric warfare against terrorist and non-state armed groups (NSAG) embedded within the civilian population.
 
‘Amnesty International reports thrive on the common perception that state military and security authorities will always deny allegations of GVHR and War Crimes even if they were caught red-handed’.

NGOs specialised in reporting on GVHR and war crimes against citizens in asymmetric warfare by the security and military forces of state actors (SA) ignore existential operational challenges faced by frontline battlefield troops in distinguishing friends from foes in a mix of innocent civilians, unarmed and armed non state groups dwelling in the same community.
 
Timing And Immediate Impact:

The timing of Amnesty International (AI) reports on alleged GVHR and war crimes against state and regional security and armed forces is counter productive to the ongoing global war on terror. Each stakeholder including Humanitarian organisations should play a positive role in the the global quest to defeat terrorism from its roots.
 
Not so, when AI reports of alleged GVHR coincide with state announcements of battle field successes and precision strikes on Boko Haram strongholds by Nigeria, Chad and regional Multinational Joint Task Forces (MNJTF). These reports have a texture of slowing down and interrupting planned military offensives against high value terrorist targets in the theatre of operations.
 
The moral of frontline troops is disturbed. Their professionalism, legitimacy and credibility as defenders of the civilian population is questioned, creating further fear and distrust between frontline military and security forces and the civilian community. Untrue and exaggerated reports by AI amount to tacit support, encouraging terrorist manipulative tactic of hijacking and using the most vulnerable civil populace to shield their activities and sustain the war on terror.
 
Wider Impact:
 
Exaggerated and untrue reports severely impact on state and regional counter insurgency (COIN) efforts. Partners against terrorism organisations and states are quick to pull out from needed technical and resource funding where accusations of GHRV are reported without adequate verification and context interpretation.
 
At worst, State and Regional COIN interventions are curtailed, allowing terrorist groups like Boko Haram and Al-Shabaab the time and space to increase their capacity, moral and criminal operations.
 
Condemning The Terrorist:
 
GHVR reports may appear balanced and impartial to ordinary readers in condemning terrorist violent activities against the civilian population. The AI report accuses Boko Haram of committing a series of ‘widespread atrocities’. It acknowledges that such violations are impossible to verify ‘due to security and access challenges’.
 
Terrorist groups are categorised as non-state belligerents with extreme ideologies. They enjoy no legal or recognised authority; they do not answer or defer to any authority or legitimate international organisation.
 
Therefore, any allegations of GHRV are meaningless to terrorist groups, above all, Boko Haram factions have no reputation to protect – state actors do. These imbalances mirror the real rational of such reports.
 
Follow The Money:
 
The business continuity model of Human Rights watch dogs – AI, HRW – is to write ‘chilling’ reports alleging GVHR and war crimes etc. targeting state actors that can be investigated and held accountable either by the United Nations (UN), The International Criminal Court (ICC) or local judicial systems.
 
This consistent reporting on GVHR is necessary to justify donor funding and maintaining operational relevance in an ever changing and complex asymmetric warfare environment. This is the NGO version of the ‘street light effect’ phenomenon. But for these reports, local staff will have little or no justification for continued employment and funding.

Jihadist Manipulating Theatre
 
From the experiences of US led global coalitions pursuing the war on terror in Afghanistan – Iraq – Syria – Somalia and Nigeria, local terror networks and sponsors linked to either Al-Qaeda (AQ), Islamic State (ISIS/ISIL/IS), Boko Haram, Al-Shabaab have mastered the act of manipulating and coercing NGOs and the most vulnerable local population including women and young children to provide untrue but incriminating statements of GVHR and war crimes against frontline state military and security forces and their partners. These single sourced unverified statements from unidentified victims and witnesses form the basis of damning reports generated and published at strategic times by NGOs.
 
These reports seem to thrive on the common perception that state military and security authorities will always deny allegations of GVHR and War Crimes even if they were caught red-handed. In the 21st century era of technology, state authorities are developing innovative methods of conducting asymmetric warfare to minimise civilian casualties and deploy cutting-edge tools to investigate reports alleging GHRV and war crimes. Civilian organisations like AI do not have access to these tools.
 
US AFRICOM:
 
In March 2019, AI released a report accusing US Africa Command (AFRICOM) that 8 of its airstrikes targeting Al-Shabaab positions resulted in the killing of innocent civilians. These coordinated planned airstrikes between AFRICOM and Somalia security forces were assessed and found to be proportionate in denying jihadist the ability to build capacity and attack innocent Somali citizens. Of the 13 allegations submitted by AI, joint US and Somalia independent investigations and post strike analysis not available to AI, revealed that no civilians were either injured or killed as a result of US – Somali coordinated airstrikes.
 
These investigations were expanded to find that two civilians died and three others were injured in the midst of terrorist as a result of US AFRICOM airstrikes but not as reported by AI.
 
AI report was blindsided by Al-Shabaab’s traditional tactic of hiding key fighters and weapons in civilian populated areas; using civilian population as human shield and coercing vulnerable civilians into making untrue claims against Somali state and AFRICOM forces.
 
Intentionally or otherwise, AI reports have consistently served the interest of Al-Shabaab terrorist by slowing down COIN operations and preventing AFRICOM and Somali security forces from deploying proportionate planned precision airstrikes as one method of eliminating high value terrorist (HVT) targets and capabilities. Boko Haram terrorists factions copy-cat similar tactics in Nigeria and the Lake Chad area.
 
Nigeria Army:
 
A recently published 2019-2020 AI report targeting the government of Nigeria and the Nigerian Army is no different in context and form – coincidentally, the reporting patterns are the same with previous allegations in the Horn of Africa against Somali-AFRICOM. AI alleged GVRH violations and war crimes rely squarely on unverifiable eyewitness and victim accounts of security and military extra judicial killings, torture; child abuse; arbitrary arrest and unlawful detention without trial; poor detention facilities and pitiable medical facilities; The report claims to have interviewed more than 230 people from 15 Local Government Areas (LGAs); informal settlements and Internally Displaced Camps (IDPs). It says 119 children were interviewed. Of this number, 48 children were detained for months or years by the military and 22 adults detained with children across North East states of Borno and Adamawa.
 
Boko Haram ISWAP Tactic:

In North East Nigeria and the fringes of the Lake Chad Basin, Boko Haram factions have moulded a psychological operation consisting of human community shield – coerced and vulnerable men, women, young boys/girls and children, some as young as 6 years old. In 2019, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) estimates that over 800,000 people still live in remote and inaccessible villages. There is no accurate data on exact figures due to the vast and complex ungoverned space but these communities are mostly under the control and at the mercy of Boko Haram factions.
 
Most of these communities consist of families that have either refused to move to refugee/IDP settlements; are Boko Haram families or have voluntarily returned to their villages in preference to living in refugee/IDP camps. The true nature of individual interaction between these communities and Boko Haram factions is impossible to comprehend. least by anyone with limited access. However, Boko Haram factions are known to brainwash and recruit hundreds of women, girls, boys and children and deploy them as fighters, spies and suicide bombers to target vulnerable IDP communities and military positions.
 
Detention Camps (DCs) Challenges: Safe Corridor
 
In a volatile environment with a manipulative invincible enemy, caution and vigilance is the key. When state and Regional Multi-National Joint Task forces (MNJTF) launch offensives on Boko Haram strongholds and rescue or capture individuals, groups, in remote communities the safety of frontline security forces is a priority. This is to avoid past cases of hidden explosives in bags and garments of unsuspecting women and young children.
 
All captured and rescued persons are treated as suspects. They are detained and transferred for debrief at Giwa Barracks and Kainji holding facilities. This depends on the LGA they are rescued or arrested from; the number of people, the time and available logistics, it could take days or weeks before these persons or groups reach resourced Detention centres (DCs) in Maiduguri – Borno State.
 
While at DCs, the prevailing task, time and technical knowledge required for evidence gathering; debrief of suspects, overstretched personnel could mean that suspects are not processed through as quickly and safely as they would like to be on arrival. This logistics and structural complexity in the North East accounts for most delays in processing Boko Haram suspects through DCs to the court system for prosecution and judgement.
 
According to the Acting Director Army Public Relations Col. Sagir Musa, DCs have been modernised over the years by the Nigeria Army.
 
“Nigeria Military Detention facilities have modernised feeding, sanitary and medical conditions in tune with international best practice and standards. Red Cross, Human Rights Watch and other Human Rights organisations have visited the detention centre at Giwa Barracks in Maiduguri – key observations raised have been implemented by the Nigeria Army”

Although there is a policy of holding children in separate DCs from adults, there have been instances where families insist on staying together as a unit, citing Right to family life.
 
“The detention policy is clear, the Nigeria Army does not detain minors in DCs with adults, children have a separate holding centre. But staff face field challenges when parents insist on staying together in one unit with their young families citing human rights related issues like sickness, breastfeeding etc. …even when they are major culprits of acts of terrorism – staff sometimes have to balance these issues and allow parents in exceptional cases – this is the main source of allegations of children mixed with adults – its rather some children with their parents” Col. Sagir Musa concluded.
 
On the contrary, Operation SAFE CORRIDOR is faced with internal and external criticism. Advocates for conventional Correctional Services Facilities point to better sanitary conditions, better quality and quantity of food, medical treatment, vocational training and community reintegration in DCs for Boko Haram suspects – than ordinary criminals. These criticism is a reflection of the support for modernisation received from the European union and other donors for Operation SAFE CORRIDOR programmes at Giwa Barracks and Kainji DC.
 
The Nigeria Army Leadership and Human Rights:
“GHRV perpetrated by a few bad cases cannot be used as a blanket reporting policy to systematically condemn the entire state and security forces above the greater goal of a collective effort to winning the war on terror”.

Some level of collateral damages and instances of GVHR are unavoidable in asymmetric warfare where prompt identification of threats and the real enemy is a primary challenge. All safeguard measures should be put in place to prevent further abuses, and all reported allegations should be condemned, promptly investigated and punished accordingly.
 
In the last 5 years, the Nigeria Army under the leadership of Lt Gen. TY Buratai has improved HR record with the introduction of HR reporting desk across all units and formations. These desks are open to the public. All allegations of violations of HR are received, investigated by the military police (MP) and appropriate actions taken by impartial qualified public affairs personnel while serious breaches go through the stringent military justice system.
 
The introduction of information and reception centres during exercise and operations, checkmate and prevents abuses by some rogue Nigeria Army personnel. Civilians have access to these centres where complaints are presented to information officers, who relay such complaints to the appropriate quarters for follow up action.
 
GVHR perpetrated by a few bad cases should never be used as a yardstick for a blanket reporting policy to systematically condemn the entire state and security forces against the greater goal of a collective effort towards winning the war on terror. The Nigerian Army has enhanced its rules of engagement and training curriculum to reflect respect for and promotion of Human Rights, erring personnel were arraigned and tried through court martial. GVHR reports should balance the steps taken by the military and security forces and situate same in its rightful context.
 
Boko Haram Infiltrates Refugee/IDP Camps:
 
In areas of operation, Boko Haram factions deploy their families (often sick, pregnant women and young children under 5years) to seek medical treatment and refuge into nearby state and NGO managed refugee/IDP camps in North East Nigeria and the fringes of Lake Chad Basin. These camps are used as safe haven; and strategic spying spots for the jihadists. Factions also radicalise communities of local farmers, fishermen and hunters. Factional commanders coerce and groom these communities on simple methods of gathering and reporting information on troop movements and other activities of state and regional forces within and outside refugee and IDP camps.
 
NGOs Fatten Boko Haram:
 
Boko Haram family networks blend into surrounding refugee/IDP camps and gather vital information such as routine food and relief supply and activities of military and security forces. They radicalise and recruit young and vulnerable men and women within refugee/IDP camps; and pose as victims of GVHR by state and regional security and military forces. Armed with direct contacts of Humanitarian NGOs like AI and HRW, these individuals and families are trained on and how to provide false and incriminating statements against state and regional military and security forces.
 
Within refugee/IDP camps in North East Nigeria, World Food Programme (WFP) and local delivery partners selected and trained 100s of refugees on monthly food distribution techniques. Some of these IDPs are Boko Haram members. Behind the scenes, these members provide information on vital relief materials and operational activities of nearby state security forces. Boko Haram uses this information to plan attacks on military positions, divert or launch raids for food, medication and petroleum products.
 
In May 2017 – about 126 suspected Boko Haram members were rounded up at Damboa- Borno IDP camp with one suspect found in possession of an ID card of a soldier killed by Boko Haram insurgents in another attack in a near-by location given as Sabon-Gari. These Boko Haram members and supporters posing as refugees, lie in wait to vomit false statements to incoming International Human rights organisations and observers like AI.
 
NGO Staff – Boko Haram Alliance:
 
Boko Haram factions coerce local NGO Staff, at times in collaboration with local vendors and delivery partners to inflate the number of registered IDPs/refugees in camps and remote settlements. Some are kidnapped or killed for not complying. By multiplying the actual need assessment figures, a higher quantity of humanitarian relief in the form of food; non-edible items; petroleum; medical and other essential supply is dispatched to IDP/Refugee camps or vulnerable communities. These humanitarian items are either diverted to Boko Haram jihadist links before they arrive designated IDP camps or jihadist factions operating a few miles within IDP settlements will be given prior information on when these items arrive (even if they are delivered by air) in IDP/refugee camps. Many Boko Haram violent raids on IDP camps for essential items often coincide with the delivery of humanitarian relief items.
 
Several food convoys en-route to IDP camps are subject to violent raids by Boko Haram factions following leaked information from camp residents, local NGO staff, contracted vendors and delivery partners. Some regional states have threatened to shut down IDP/refugee camps after suspecting infiltration and insider leaks from ‘Fake refugees’, local staff and delivery partners linked to NGOs.
 
The government of Cameroon was accused of expelling several Refugees to Nigeria and threatened to close down a notorious UNHCR administered IDP/Refugee camp in Minawao/Kolofata town after internal investigations revealed that Boko Haram Jihadist had infiltrated the overcrowded camp and spies posing as IDPs were responsible for leaking timely information that led to several raids on IDP camps and deadly attacks on nearby military (Rapid Intervention Force – BIR) positions – these Boko Haram loyalist were equally behind several damning reports generated by AI against Cameroon special/Regional forces.
 
The manipulative and shrewd modus operandi of Boko Haram jihadist provides a false platform by anonymous persons posing as victims from affected areas and refugee/IDP camps and the basis of AI damaging GVHR and war crimes against state and regional military and security forces.
 
Recommendations For States And NGOs:

In North East Nigeria, the Lake Chad Basin and the Horn of Africa, Key stakeholders treat NGOs as unhelpful partners and rarely as part of the solution in the ongoing war against ISIS and Al-Qaeda affiliates. In a complex asymmetric warfare and widespread environment where the enemy can be anyone and anywhere (urban and rural) –fluid, horizontal, invincible, and extremely manipulative. There is an urgent need to re-evaluate the role of some of the Humanitarian actors and allegations of GVHR reports by these International NGOs.
Winning the global war on terror (GWOT) requires a short, medium and long term multi-level, multi-agency and sustainable counter insurgency strategy. The monitoring and reporting of alleged incidence of GVHR and war crimes by Humanitarian NGOs is an important component to curtail abuses by all parties engaged in the war on terror. State and public authorities have a duty to investigate and safeguard against all incidence of GVHR and war crimes.
 
Reports alleging GVHR should not deliberately ignore success records of state military and security forces in mitigating against GVRH and war crimes. As non-military organisations with limited capabilities and access to real time field operational information, NGO reports are often blindsided to the extra-ordinary measures military and security state authorities go to reduce the likelihood of GVHR and War crimes. Acknowledgements and pointing out positive developments by International NGOs will act as incentive for good behaviour and for others to emulate.
 
There is an urgent need for NGOs to review operations and intervention methodologies and coordinate their activities with state and regional authorities as a crucial step towards winning back the trust of local stakeholders to achieve a sustainable goal of a return to peace and security in Northern Nigeria, the Lake Chad Basin and the Horn of Africa.
 
Note:
 
For security reasons – detailed operational and intervention recommendations for NGOs and states actors will not be published here. To paraphrase Charles Darwin, it is not the most powerful nor the most intelligent of actors that will survive new conflicts, it is the ones that are most adaptable to change.
 
About the Author
 
David Otto – Counter Terrorism & Organised Crime Expert and Certified Master (CMAS) Anti Terrorism Specialist with the Anti Terrorism Accreditation Board (ATAB) – Twitter: @ottotgs

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OPINION

Enhancing Workplace Safety And Social Protection: The Role Of The Employees’ Compensation Act, 2010

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Presentation by
Barr. Oluwaseun M. Faleye
Managing Director/Chief Executive, Nigeria Social Insurance Trust Fund
At the 65th Annual General Conference of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA)
International Conference Centre, Enugu
24th August 2025

Introduction

Distinguished colleagues, esteemed members of the Bench and Bar, fellow policymakers, captains of industry, and ladies and gentlemen.

It is both an honour and a privilege to stand before this distinguished assembly at the 65th Annual General Conference of the Nigerian Bar Association. The NBA has, over decades, remained the conscience of our nation, a defender of rights, a champion of justice, and a custodian of the democratic ideals that gives meaning to our collective existence.

The theme of this year’s conference, “Stand Out, Stand Tall!” is more than a slogan. It is a call to courage, to excellence, and to visionary leadership. It challenges us, as thought-leaders and nation-builders, to lift our society beyond mediocrity and to confront the existential issues that hinder Nigeria’s march toward greatness.

I stand today to speak directly to one of those existential issues, the safety of our workplaces and the social protection of our workers. These are not peripheral concerns; they touch the very core of our humanity, our economy, and our pursuit of sustainable national development.

In focusing on “Enhancing Workplace Safety and Social Protection: The Role of the Employees’ Compensation Act, 2010,” I aim to situate our conversation at the intersection of law, labour, and human dignity.

Work is not merely an economic activity; it is central to human identity and social progress. Through work, families are sustained, communities are developed, and nations are built. The dignity of labour, so deeply rooted in our cultural and constitutional ethos, affirms that every worker deserves protection, not just in the fruit of their labour, but also in the very process of labouring.

Yet, the paradox remains: while work empowers, it can also endanger. The same factories that generate wealth can expose workers to industrial hazards; the same oil rigs that earn foreign exchange can subject workers to occupational illnesses; the same construction sites that build our cities can also claim lives in accidents.

This paradox highlights the urgency of workplace safety and the necessity of social protection. It is not enough for a nation to pursue economic growth; such growth must be inclusive, humane, and protective of those whose sweat oils the engines of development.

The Global Context: Grim Realities of Workplace Hazards

Permit me to share with you the grim realities of workplace hazards, and these statistics are not mine; they were provided by the International Labour Organization:

Each year, over 2.8 million workers die from occupational accidents and work-related diseases.

Over 374 million workers suffer non-fatal injuries annually, many of which lead to long-term disabilities or reduced quality of life.

The economic cost of poor occupational safety and health is estimated at nearly 4% of global GDP annually, a staggering burden on productivity, healthcare systems, and social welfare.

These statistics are not just numbers; they are human lives, families disrupted, and dreams shattered. They remind us that workplace safety is not a privilege to be enjoyed by a few but a right owed to all.

Within the context of our own country, our peculiar socio-economic realities make workplace safety and social protection even more urgent.

Data Gaps: Accurate national data on workplace accidents remains limited. However, the Nigeria Social Insurance Trust Fund, through its Employees’ Compensation Scheme, continues to receive increasing claims from affected workers and employers.

High-Risk Sectors: Industries such as construction, oil and gas, and manufacturing remain prone to frequent and sometimes fatal workplace accidents. Poor adherence to safety standards, inadequate enforcement, and limited awareness exacerbate the problem.

Informal economy Vulnerability: With over 80% of Nigeria’s workforce engaged in the informal economy, millions of workers remain outside structured occupational safety nets, leaving them and their families highly vulnerable in the event of accidents or diseases.

Cultural and Institutional Weaknesses: In many workplaces, safety culture is weak. Employers often see safety compliance as a cost rather than an investment, while workers themselves may lack training or incentives to prioritize safety.

The outcome of these realities is clear: rising workplace accidents, preventable occupational illnesses, and increasing claims for compensation. More importantly, the loss of human capital undermines national productivity and deepens poverty traps for affected families.

Why Workplace Safety and Social Protection Matter

Workplace safety and social protection are not optional luxuries; they are fundamental pillars of social justice, human dignity, and economic sustainability.

They ensure dignity, peace of mind, and assurance that one’s labour will not become a source of tragedy for one’s family.

They enhance productivity, reduce downtime due to accidents, and foster industrial harmony.

They reduce the burden on healthcare systems, mitigate poverty, and enhance national competitiveness.

In essence, workplace safety and social protection are as much about human rights as they are about economic development. A nation that fails to protect its workers fails to protect its future.

The Employees’ Compensation Act, 2010: A Paradigm Shift

The enactment of the Employees’ Compensation Act (ECA), 2010 marked a watershed moment in Nigeria’s labour and social security landscape. It replaced the Workmen’s Compensation Act, a law that had long been criticized for its narrow scope, rigidity, and employer-centric bias.

For decades, Nigerian workers and their families bore the brunt of a compensation system that failed to adequately recognize the evolving realities of modern workplaces. The law operated within the framework of an industrial era that no longer reflected the complex dynamics of contemporary employment relationships. Workers were often left destitute after workplace accidents, while employers faced prolonged litigation that neither restored the injured nor secured industrial harmony.

The ECA 2010 emerged as both a legal reform and a moral commitment, aligning Nigeria with international best practices, especially as recommended by the International Labour Organization (ILO) conventions on occupational safety, health, and social security.

1. Comprehensive Coverage

One of the most remarkable contributions of the ECA is its expansive scope.

It applies to all employers and employees across both the public and private sectors, creating a unified national standard.

It extends protection beyond physical accidents to include:

Occupational injuries sustained in the course of work.

Occupational diseases arising from exposure to harmful substances or hazardous environments.

Permanent and temporary disabilities, whether partial or total.

Mental health challenges linked to workplace stress, trauma, or hazards, an innovative inclusion that reflects global recognition of psychosocial risks.

By broadening its ambit, the ECA acknowledges the complex and evolving nature of work, ensuring that no worker is left behind simply because their injury or illness does not fit into a narrow definition.

2. Employer Contribution System

The ECA dismantled the inequitable structure of the past where individual employers bore sole liability for compensation. Under the Workmen’s Compensation Act, an employer had to directly compensate an injured worker, often leading to disputes, prolonged court cases, and financial strain.

In contrast, the ECA introduced a collective, pooled system where employers across sectors contribute to a central fund administered by the Nigeria Social Insurance Trust Fund. The Fund ensures that resources are available upfront to address claims promptly, rather than waiting for the outcome of litigation.

The pooled risk model reflects the principle of social solidarity, spreading risks and costs across the economy, rather than isolating them within a single workplace.

This mechanism not only secures workers’ rights but also protects employers from the unpredictability of individual liability. It shifts the focus from blame to shared responsibility.

3. Quick and Fair Compensation

The ECA was deliberately designed to speed up and humanize the compensation process.

Injured workers are entitled to immediate medical treatment without the burden of proving employer negligence. Beyond treatment, workers receive physical rehabilitation, vocational training, and support for reintegration into the workforce.

In cases of permanent or temporary disability, the law guarantees structured financial support. Dependents of workers who lose their lives in workplace accidents receive death benefits, ensuring families are not plunged into poverty.

This no-fault principle, where workers are compensated regardless of negligence, removes the adversarial tension of litigation. It prioritizes healing, dignity, and security over legal wrangling.

4. The Social Security Dimension

Perhaps the most transformative feature of the ECA is its broad social security orientation. Unlike its predecessor, the Act is not limited to post-accident compensation but also embraces prevention, rehabilitation, and reintegration.

5. A Balance between Rights and Responsibilities

The genius of the Employees’ Compensation Act lies in its balance.

For workers, it guarantees protection without the hurdles of litigation or the uncertainty of employer discretion. For employers, it eliminates the risk of crippling lawsuits and provides predictable contributions into a shared pool. For the nation, it strengthens social justice, reduces systemic poverty traps, and aligns Nigeria with international labour standards.

Thus, the ECA 2010 represents more than just legal reform, it is a paradigm shift towards a modern, inclusive, and humane labour ecosystem. It affirms that in Nigeria’s pursuit of growth, the lives and dignity of workers cannot be treated as expendable.

Current Realities and Challenges

Fifteen years after its enactment, the Employees’ Compensation Act 2010 has undoubtedly transformed Nigeria’s labour compensation framework. The establishment of a no-fault, pooled compensation system has brought hope to thousands of workers and their families. Yet, as with most legal and policy reforms, the journey from law on paper to lived reality has been uneven.

While progress has been recorded in claims processing, accident coverage, and legal clarity, several persistent and emerging challenges continue to undermine the Act’s full impact.

 

 

Low Employer Compliance

One of the most pressing realities is incomplete employer compliance, especially among Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises (SMEs).

Despite being the backbone of Nigeria’s economy, accounting for over 80% of jobs and nearly 50% of GDP, many SMEs either fail to register with the NSITF or under-declare their workforce size and wage bills.

Reasons for non-compliance include limited awareness of legal obligations, perceived cost burden of contributions and weak enforcement and monitoring mechanisms.

The result is that millions of workers in SMEs remain outside the protective umbrella of the Act, leaving them vulnerable to poverty traps in cases of workplace accidents.

This compliance gap undermines the spirit of universality and inclusivity envisioned by the law.

Limited Awareness Among Workers and Employers

A large proportion of Nigerian employees remain unaware of their rights under the Act.

Many workers do not know they are entitled to compensation in cases of occupational injury or disease. In some cases, employers exploit this ignorance by discouraging claims or providing token settlements instead of due benefits.

Even among educated workers, there is often confusion between ECA entitlements and other social protection schemes like pensions or health insurance.

Awareness campaigns have been sporadic, with limited penetration outside major cities. For a country with over 70 million workers in the informal and formal sectors combined, sustained national enlightenment is essential and we are committed to doing that to ensure that Nigerian workers understand their rights and the benefits associated with complying with the Employee’s Compensation Act.

Under-Reporting of Workplace Accidents

Another major challenge is the systemic under-reporting of workplace accidents and occupational diseases.

Many employers fear that reporting incidents will attract sanctions, regulatory scrutiny, or reputational damage.

Workers themselves sometimes avoid reporting for fear of losing their jobs, stigmatization, or bureaucratic delays in accessing benefits. This results in a data gap, making it difficult for policymakers and regulators to accurately assess the scope of occupational risks in Nigeria.

For instance, while the International Labour Organization estimates that 2.8 million workers die globally every year from work-related causes, Nigeria’s official records capture only a fraction of actual cases. The absence of reliable, comprehensive data limits the country’s ability to design targeted interventions.

Changing Work Dynamics in a New Economy

The world of work is changing rapidly, and Nigeria is no exception. The ECA 2010, while progressive, must continuously adapt to these evolving realities.

Platforms like ride-hailing services, delivery apps, and freelance digital work create new categories of workers who often fall outside traditional employer-employee relationships.

As I have mentioned, over 80% of Nigerian workers operate in the informal economy, where workplace safety standards are often non-existent. Extending the ECA’s protections to this vast segment remains a daunting but necessary task.

The COVID-19 pandemic accelerated remote work adoption, raising new questions about what qualifies as a “workplace accident” when work is performed from home.

With automation, robotics, and artificial intelligence entering workplaces, new categories of hazards, such as ergonomic injuries, mental stress, or even cyber-related risks are emerging.

These shifts demand dynamic legal interpretation and possible amendments to ensure that the ECA remains relevant in a rapidly changing labour market.

These realities highlight the need for multi-sector collaboration, linking labour law enforcement with broader economic reforms, social welfare, and national development strategies.

The Role of Lawyers and Policymakers

The implementation and impact of the Employees’ Compensation Act, 2010 cannot rest on the NSITF alone. Like every piece of transformative legislation, the ECA lives and breathes through the interpretation, advocacy, and enforcement carried out by lawyers, judges, and policymakers.

Apart from our expectation of you as advocates of the efficacy and importance of the Employees’ Compensation Scheme, the most crucial expectation we have of you lawyers and leaders of the bar here is to lead by example.

We must comply with the law ourselves. We must ensure that all law firms practicing law in Nigeria subscribe to the Employees’ Compensation Scheme.

As you all know, law practice, particularly those of our colleagues engaged in dispute resolution practices comes with its risks. Lawyers travel to different parts of this country practicing their trade, advocating and defending clients. These journeys come with risk.

For the corporate and commercial lawyers, they tend to sit for hours reviewing documents, negotiating agreements and also do a lot of traveling in the course of work. These long hours at work stations often leads back and spinal injuries.

Indeed, the pressure of work could sometimes lead not only to physical challenges but to mental stress as well. Yet, majority of our law firms are not complying with the Employees’ Compensation Scheme to give their employees, fellow lawyers the safety net the law prescribed and which they all deserve.

The NBA must do more and ensure that all law firms comply with the Employees’ Compensation Act to safeguard our workforce. And it is my hope that the Welfare Committee of the NBA will champion this initative.

We must ensure that evidence of compliance with the ECA becomes part of documentation for aspiring to be Senior Advocates. As part of the law firm inspection exercise towards the conferment of silk, I urge us to ask for evidence that law firms are complying with the Employees’ Compensation Act akin to our position on payment of pension obligations for lawyers.

Corporate lawyers are often the first point of contact for businesses seeking to understand their obligations under labour laws. It is therefore incumbent on them to educate employers, particularly SMEs on the necessity of compliance with the ECA, not only as a legal requirement but as a strategic business investment.

When disputes arise, lawyers must uphold the spirit of social justice embedded in the Act, ensuring that compensation claims are pursued diligently and without undue delay.

Beyond individual cases, the legal community must serve as advocates of systemic reform, engaging with government and civil society to strengthen workplace safety and employee protections.

The Nigerian Bar Association can serve as a bridge between policymakers and the workforce, ensuring that the law keeps pace with global best practices and local realities.

As to the role of the judiciary, we acknowledge that the courts play a pivotal role in giving life to the Act. Therefore, judicial interpretation must consistently reflect the protective, worker-centred philosophy of the ECA.

Landmark rulings can set precedents that discourage employers from evading responsibilities and embolden employees to seek justice without fear.

The judiciary must guard against narrow, technical interpretations that undermine the law’s purpose. Instead, it must elevate the principle that the protection of human dignity is paramount.

From the legislative perspective, our law makers must recognize that the labour market is evolving faster than ever before. Regular amendments to the ECA 2010, whether to address the gig economy, informal economy realities, or technological hazards, are necessary to maintain its relevance.

The ECA 2010, therefore, should not be viewed solely as a labour statute, but as a human rights instrument, a guarantee that every Nigerian worker deserves protection, dignity, and a safety net against the uncertainties of life.

The Future of Workplace Safety and Social Protection in Nigeria

Looking forward, the NSITF’s vision is to build a comprehensive social security architecture for Nigeria, with the ECA as its cornerstone. The Act laid the foundation, but the building of a resilient, inclusive, and future-ready system requires bold innovations.

The Fund is embracing technology-driven solutions to improve speed, transparency, and accountability.

Real-time reporting systems will allow employers and workers to instantly report accidents through digital platforms, ensuring quicker responses. Data analytics will enable predictive modelling, identify high-risk sectors and help prevent accidents before they happen.

E-certificates of compliance which we have already introduced, are reducing fraud and making compliance verification seamless.

The ECS’s future lies in creating innovative schemes tailored to suit the informal economy. Pilot projects are already exploring contributory micro-schemes that will allow even low-income workers to enjoy compensation and protection.

Extending coverage to the informal economy is not only a matter of justice but also of national productivity, since these workers drive much of Nigeria’s growth.

Compensation after injury is important, but prevention is better, cheaper, and more sustainable. The Fund is investing in workplace safety audits to identify risks early, we are undertaking compliance inspections with deterrent sanctions for violators and enhancing our capacity through programs, training employers and employees on global best practices in occupational safety and health (OSH).

By fostering a culture of prevention, Nigeria can reduce workplace accidents and improve productivity across sectors.

Nigeria must continue to harmonize with international standards by ratifying and implementing relevant ILO conventions on occupational safety and health. We must learn from other countries with mature compensation frameworks and systems.

We must leverage partnerships with global organizations to build capacity, fund safety initiatives, and modernize systems. These sorts of global alignment ensures that Nigerian workers are not left behind in an increasingly interconnected labour market.

Conclusion

Distinguished colleagues, learned friends, ladies and gentlemen, the Employees’ Compensation Act, 2010 is more than a statute on the books. It is a covenant of dignity, a shield of protection, and a beacon of social justice for the Nigerian worker.

It represents a promise, that when a worker is injured, they will not be abandoned; when a family loses its breadwinner, they will not be thrown into despair; and when an employer invests in safety, they will be rewarded with loyalty, productivity, and peace.

To truly “Stand Out, Stand Tall,” as this conference theme challenges us, we must rise above rhetoric and build a society where no worker leaves home in fear that their daily bread could cost them their life, no child is forced out of school because an injured parent can no longer provide and no widow or widower is left destitute because justice was delayed or denied.

This is not just about labour law, it is about the soul of our nation. A society that protects its workers protects its future. A nation that neglects its workforce undermines its destiny.

The call before us today is clear.

Lawyers must be the vanguard of compliance and justice, using their knowledge to protect the vulnerable.

Policymakers must be visionaries, ensuring that our laws evolve with the realities of modern work.

Employers must see safety and social protection not as costs, but as investments in their people and their productivity.

And institutions like the NSITF must continue to lead with innovation, transparency, and courage.

If we do this, we will build more than safe workplaces, we will build a safer Nigeria. We will do more than compensate accidents, we will prevent them. We will not just write laws; we will write legacies.

Together, we can build a Nigeria where every citizen can stand out in excellence and stand tall in dignity.

Thank you.

May God bless our workers.

May God bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

Oluwaseun Faleye
Managing Director/CE
Nigeria Social Insurance Trust Fund

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OPINION

US Visa Applicants And Social Media Disclosure: A Risky Overreach With Dire Consequences For Nigerians

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By Olufemi Soneye

The United States has recently implemented a sweeping immigration policy requiring nearly all visa applicants to disclose their social media handles and digital histories. Framed as a tool to bolster national security, counter terrorism, and curb cybercrime, the measure may appear reasonable on paper. But for Nigerians and many others from countries with vibrant, digitally active populations the consequences are troubling and far-reaching.

Nigeria’s dynamic online culture is marked by satire, political commentary, and spirited debate. In this context, posts that are humorous or culturally specific may be misunderstood by foreign officials unfamiliar with the nuances of local discourse. What may be a harmless meme or satirical remark in Nigeria could be wrongly interpreted as extremist, subversive, or fraudulent by US immigration authorities.

This does not merely pose a risk to individual visa applicants. It threatens broader societal values such as freedom of expression, cultural authenticity, and civic engagement. It also risks further straining US–Nigeria relations at a time when collaboration and mutual respect are more important than ever.

The US government maintains that social media activity provides valuable insight into a visa applicant’s character, affiliations, and potential risks. In an age where radicalization and misinformation can proliferate online, there is some logic to this argument. However, in practice, it opens the door to arbitrary interpretations, biased judgments, and significant invasions of privacy.

Disturbing cases have already emerged. A Norwegian tourist was recently denied entry into the United States after officials discovered a meme referencing US Vice President J.D. Vance on his phone. In another case, a Nigerian businesswoman with a valid visa was turned away at a US border after immigration officers reviewed her Instagram messages and claimed her online activity contradicted the nature of her visa. These examples illustrate how subjective and potentially discriminatory the enforcement of this policy can be.

Adding to the concern, the US has launched a pilot program requiring visa applicants from select countries to pay a $15,000 bond. The initiative, which began with Malawi and Zambia, reportedly targets nations with high visa overstay rates and could be expanded. It sends a chilling message: that citizens of certain countries are presumed guilty until proven otherwise.

For Nigerians, the implications are especially severe. Privacy is the first casualty. Applicants must now submit their digital footprints including personal conversations, private networks, and online affiliations to a foreign government. Freedom of expression is the next victim. Young Nigerians, who make up the majority of users on platforms like X (formerly Twitter), TikTok, and Instagram, may begin self-censoring out of fear that political opinions or cultural commentary could jeopardize their chances of traveling or studying abroad.

This policy disproportionately impacts the very demographic that is driving Nigeria’s innovation, creativity, and international reputation. Students, entrepreneurs, artists, and professionals, the most globally engaged Nigerians are now the most vulnerable to misinterpretation and arbitrary visa denials. What constitutes a “red flag” is alarmingly subjective: a meme, a retweet, or a political statement could be enough to trigger rejection, with little recourse for appeal.

There are broader implications for the Nigerian diaspora and global mobility. Social media has long served as a bridge connecting Nigerians abroad with their homeland, facilitating civic dialogue, cultural exchange, and philanthropic engagement. If digital expression becomes a liability, this bridge may weaken, silencing a vital global voice and undermining transnational ties.

Moreover, the policy risks reinforcing damaging stereotypes. Nigerians already contend with international biases linking the country to fraud or instability. A policy that scrutinizes their digital lives under a security lens could deepen mistrust, alienate young professionals, and diminish goodwill toward the United States.

The global repercussions are also concerning. If the US, a global standard-setter in immigration policy, normalizes the collection and evaluation of applicants’ private digital histories, other countries may follow suit. This would set a dangerous precedent, where opportunities for global mobility depend not on merit or intent, but on an algorithmic analysis of social media behavior often devoid of cultural context.

National security is undeniably important. But it must be balanced with fairness, proportionality, and respect for fundamental rights. This policy represents a dangerous overreach one that sacrifices privacy, chills free expression, and penalizes those who should be celebrated for their global engagement.

If the United States is truly committed to fostering partnerships with countries like Nigeria, it must recognize that sustainable security cannot be built on suspicion and surveillance. Instead, it should embrace and empower the voices of Nigeria’s youth, educated, innovative, and globally connected who could be among America’s strongest allies in the decades ahead.

 

**Soneye is a seasoned media strategist and former Chief Corporate Communications Officer of NNPC Ltd, known for his sharp political insight, bold journalism, and high-level stakeholder engagement across government, corporate, and international platforms**

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OPINION

Dr Emaluji Writes Open Letter To FG, General Public On National Distress

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Date: August 6, 2025

OPEN LETTER TO THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT AND THE GENERAL PUBLIC

Subject: A Nation in Distress — A Critical Assessment of the Failed Tinubu-Led APC Government

Fellow Nigerians,

As the South-South Volunteer Youth Spokesman of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), I write with a heavy heart and a deep sense of patriotic duty to call attention to the rapid and disturbing collapse of governance under the leadership of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the All Progressives Congress (APC). What we are witnessing is not just a national crisis — it is a complete breakdown of systems and values that once gave our country hope.

In every measurable sector of our national life — the economy, security, food security, infrastructure, governance, and social cohesion — this administration has failed woefully. The consequences are no longer abstract statistics; they are lived realities for millions of Nigerians.

1. Poverty and Hunger at Unprecedented Levels

Today, Nigeria holds the tragic record as the poverty capital of the world. Families go entire days without food. Prices of basic food items such as rice, garri, yam, and bread have more than tripled. Hunger is now a weapon, a daily battle for the poor and even the middle class.

2. Hyperinflation and a Crumbling Economy

The naira has lost over 70% of its value in just over a year. With inflation well above 35%, the average Nigerian can no longer afford rent, fuel, transportation, or medical care. Small businesses are shutting down en masse, while unemployment surges. There is no cash in circulation, no confidence in the banking system, and no trust in leadership.

3. Insecurity Across the Nation

From Sokoto to Delta, Borno to Enugu, no region is spared. Banditry, kidnappings, assassinations, ritual killings, and armed robbery are daily news. Our security forces are overwhelmed and underpaid, while leadership at the top offers empty reassurances and photo-ops.

4. Neglect of Contractors and Economic Sabotage

It is both shocking and unacceptable that Federal Government contractors who executed infrastructure and service-based projects for national development have not been paid for over nine months. In June 2025, more than 5,000 local contractors took to the streets in Abuja to protest non-payment. Many of them are now bankrupt. Some have tragically lost their lives due to stress and untreated medical conditions resulting from financial ruin.

Let it be known that these contractors are the backbone of infrastructure and service delivery in Nigeria. When they are denied payment, schools, hospitals, roads, and water systems remain unfinished. Workers are laid off. More Nigerians fall into poverty. The economy suffers — all because this administration refuses to do the bare minimum: honour its obligations.

5. A Government that Refuses to Listen

President Tinubu and the APC have shown zero regard for public opinion, professional advice, or human suffering. Rather than admit failure and course-correct, they weaponize propaganda, distract with divisive rhetoric, and gaslight the nation with false promises.

Our Stand as ADC Youth Volunteers

As youth leaders of the ADC in the South-South and across the country, we reject this incompetence, this deception, and this collapse. The future of Nigeria cannot be mortgaged to leaders who are incapable of managing crises, who reward loyalty over competence, and who treat Nigerians as expendable political pawns.

We call on all well-meaning Nigerians, civil society organizations, religious leaders, and traditional rulers to rise and speak truth to power. The time for silence is over. A new Nigeria cannot emerge from a foundation of betrayal, hunger, and bloodshed.

Enough is Enough.

Signed,
Dr. Emaluji Michael Sunday
South-South Volunteer Youth Spokesman
African Democratic Congress (ADC)
Email: adcvolunteers.ng@gmail.com
Tel: +234 8065667809

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