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OPINION

Ali Ndume And His Crocodile Tears On Boko Haram

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By Hassan Biu

When the expired 8th Session of the Senate under the leadership of the dictatorial, draconian and repressive former Senate President, Sen. Bukola Saraki slammed a six-months suspension on Sen. Mohammed Ali Ndume, in March 2017, the action invoked empathy and condemnations from some of us.

We faulted the frivolous reasons the Senate Committee on Ethics and Privileges adduced for the suspension of Ali Ndume. But strongly, the 181 sitting legislative days he was barred from plenary were prolonged, ill-timed and absurd; much as it constituted unfair depravity of his constituents from parliamentary representation.

Ndume has been in the National Assembly since 2003 when he was first elected into the House of Representatives to represent Chibok/Damboa/Gwoza Federal Constituency, where he served until 2011. He morphed into the Senate in 2011 as Senator representing Borno South Senatorial district and currently serving his third term in the upper chamber of the National Assembly (NASS).

By Ndume’s service records, it’s clear he was already a leader when Mohammed Yusuf the founder of Boko Haram formed the sect; its years of incubation and eventual explosion into a national insecurity problem, years later. Unarguably, Borno South Senatorial district remains one of the most ravaged and devastated part of the state by Boko Haram. Until now, Gwoza was once Boko Haram Caliphate headquarters.

And in spite of Sen. Ndume’s prime and privileged position as a parliamentarian whose jurisdictional enclave was directly affected by the heat of Boko Haram, his voice was rather muffled nor his actions ever felt as his contributions to ending insurgency. But most of us felt, he may have been hamstrung. Alas, his appointment by the administration of former President Goodluck Jonathan into a committee to anchor talks with Boko Haram was a golden opportunity to deepen dubious contacts with Boko Haram.

Then came the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari which channeled all energy and resources in quelling Boko Haram terrorism, with the glaring positive impacts under the leader of the counter-insurgency operations, Lt. Gen. Tukur Yusufu Buratai. I reasoned that Nigerians needed an insider like Ndume who would explain the imperative and nuances of the intermittent monetary demands on fighting Boko Haram as presented before the Senate for approvals and also, intimate the lawmakers about the plight of the people of Borno South worse hit by the menace of terrorism. So, to me, his suspension was against national interest.

But unknown to me and most Nigerians, Sen. Ali Ndume is a celebrated disappointment and a study in beastly values. In fact, his actions and inactions on the festering Boko Haram saga under the Jonathan Presidency betrayed him as a promoter and enabler of insurgency for political gains. It seems he has not dumped this habit.

Perhaps, it’s clear now that the Nigerian State Security Service’s which accused Sen. Ali Ndume as having links with Boko Haram as confessed by an arrested and interrogated Boko Haram suspect and spokesman, Mallam Ali Konduga. Sen. Ali Ndume was merely lucky to escape the hook hence the exposure came at a time he was appointed into the Committee to negotiate with Boko Haram. I am convinced, he used it as a veil to escape justice.

His subsequent actions and utterances drapes with very serious suspicions that Ali Ndume might still be conducting clandestine “business” with Boko Haram terrorists to the detriment of his people and Nigeria. His excessive, senseless and near imbecilic mouthing and the quick resort to inciting sentiments on the anti-insurgency operations in the Northeast, which is incontestably at its lowest ebb have pricked me strongly that Sen. Ndume could be the reason remnants of insurgents still terrorize the people.

It is understandable that Ndume currently chairs the Senate Committee on Army. But I could neither reconcile nor discern the rationale propelling Ndume’s recent outbursts on the floor of the Senate that 840 Nigerian soldiers murdered by Boko Haram terrorists in the course of battle from 2013 till date are committed to mother earth in a military cemetery located in Maiduguri, Borno State; while a dozen others are buried in other military cemeteries scattered all over the Northeast region.

What immediately assailed my mind is what was Ali Ndume’s motivation for such disclosure, I asked myself rhetorically? What is the wisdom or logic in the revelation or would it in any way give verve to finally routing out Boko Haram terrorism from Nigeria? When soldiers die in battle, is the military cemetery not the right place for their burial with full military and national honors? Are they supposed to be buried in their respective villages by Ndume’s reckoning?

I immediately deciphered Ndume’s emphasis on this angle as a crafty and clever way of stoking sentiments and condemnations against the Federal Government of Nigeria and a subtle indictment of the military leadership. The unvoiced satanic intentions of Ali Ndume and his cahoots for embarking on this doomed voyage reverberated very loudly.

And any Nigerian who has monitored Ndume’s inactions on Boko Haram these years would have reasons to accede to my postulations. We all know Boko Haram derives its strength from the large pool of idle youths it freely recruits into its fold and consecrate to perpetrate atrocious acts and heinous crimes against humanity. Strangulating poverty, unemployment and idleness nourish and have sustained resurgence of Boko Haram terrorism in the Northeast.

I was excited when the incumbent Borno state Governor, Prof. Babagana Zulum accurately dissected these problems are rendering a veritable platform for the resurgence of Boko Haram each time, the military suppresses it. Boko Haram bounces back because there is a sea of unemployed youths to be exploited and lured into the sect. Zulum’s focus now is how to arrest the mass poverty and underdevelopment of the state which has made it susceptible for the breeding of insurgents.

Leaders think positively and Gov. Zulum’s posture is positive thought. A leader has no business in stoking sentiments over very serious national security issues as Ali Ndume and conspirators are pleasured to do. And I find it strange; extremely strange that aside the political advantage Ali Ndume enjoys from exploiting the plight of his depressed people by cornering undeserved reelection victories into the parliament at every political dispensation, it is inexplicable.

What have the people done that the likes of Ndume cannot allow the ghost of terrorism to be permanently chained? Does Ali Ndume know the psychological impact on troops in the frontlines, when he churns out such unconfirmed and obviously inflated figures of military casualties in the anti-insurgency operations? It is a tacit instigation of revolt within the ranks of troops fighting for the peace and security of Nigerians. This is unpatriotic and uncharitable.

From 2003 to date, Ali Ndume has been in the NASS. What empowerment schemes has he launched for unemployed youths in his senatorial district with the billions of constituency allowances that have accrued to him in the span of over 16 years? Is there any concrete development he can pinpoint as a legacy for his representative sojourn? Why is Sen. Ali Ndume apparently uninterested in pairing up with Gov. Zulum to explore the problems that trigger terrorism and solve them?

Therefore, when a leader like Ali Ndume turns a blind eye to the rightful path and actions, but prefers to drum such inanities with insane embellishments, it beats me hollow. I challenge Ali Ndume to publicly swear with the Holy Quran that he doesn’t know those behind Boko Haram or he has no affinity of any kind with insurgents.

I also challenge Ndume to tell Nigerians and the world what politicians like him derive from Boko Haram; why the war has not ended and why they don’t want it ended? I have noticed over time that Ali Ndume particularly is fond of making unguarded utterances on the state of the war against insurgency because he hates to see peace in Borno State, like a sadist cursed by the devil, who delights in bloodshed.

Initially, I doubted those who insinuated that Ndume’s sudden stupendous wealth hatched from politicking has allegedly thrown him into the ring of known drug addicts. With his ungodly actions and utterances on the Boko Haram counter-insurgency, I am tempted to believe every whiff of what is aligned to him.

Let me advise Ali Ndume and his clan of reprobates that they should never think of applying the same mindset to the issue of national security. Nigerians are aware that some politicians in Borno use their diplomatic immunity against the eagle eye of our security agencies to supply Boko Haram with food and hard drugs, because they have perceived an endless insurgency as personal protection and means of illicit wealth acquisition.

If Ndume doubts my assertions, let him be bold enough and shame us by telling the world that he doesn’t know anything about these posers or he is not an accomplice in the obstinacy of the military’s zeal and determination to completely rout out Boko Haram insurgency in the Northeast geopolitical zone. It’s better than shedding the crocodile tears in pretentious empathy for slain soldiers in the war.

Biu sent this piece from Maiduguri.

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OPINION

Enhancing Workplace Safety And Social Protection: The Role Of The Employees’ Compensation Act, 2010

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Presentation by
Barr. Oluwaseun M. Faleye
Managing Director/Chief Executive, Nigeria Social Insurance Trust Fund
At the 65th Annual General Conference of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA)
International Conference Centre, Enugu
24th August 2025

Introduction

Distinguished colleagues, esteemed members of the Bench and Bar, fellow policymakers, captains of industry, and ladies and gentlemen.

It is both an honour and a privilege to stand before this distinguished assembly at the 65th Annual General Conference of the Nigerian Bar Association. The NBA has, over decades, remained the conscience of our nation, a defender of rights, a champion of justice, and a custodian of the democratic ideals that gives meaning to our collective existence.

The theme of this year’s conference, “Stand Out, Stand Tall!” is more than a slogan. It is a call to courage, to excellence, and to visionary leadership. It challenges us, as thought-leaders and nation-builders, to lift our society beyond mediocrity and to confront the existential issues that hinder Nigeria’s march toward greatness.

I stand today to speak directly to one of those existential issues, the safety of our workplaces and the social protection of our workers. These are not peripheral concerns; they touch the very core of our humanity, our economy, and our pursuit of sustainable national development.

In focusing on “Enhancing Workplace Safety and Social Protection: The Role of the Employees’ Compensation Act, 2010,” I aim to situate our conversation at the intersection of law, labour, and human dignity.

Work is not merely an economic activity; it is central to human identity and social progress. Through work, families are sustained, communities are developed, and nations are built. The dignity of labour, so deeply rooted in our cultural and constitutional ethos, affirms that every worker deserves protection, not just in the fruit of their labour, but also in the very process of labouring.

Yet, the paradox remains: while work empowers, it can also endanger. The same factories that generate wealth can expose workers to industrial hazards; the same oil rigs that earn foreign exchange can subject workers to occupational illnesses; the same construction sites that build our cities can also claim lives in accidents.

This paradox highlights the urgency of workplace safety and the necessity of social protection. It is not enough for a nation to pursue economic growth; such growth must be inclusive, humane, and protective of those whose sweat oils the engines of development.

The Global Context: Grim Realities of Workplace Hazards

Permit me to share with you the grim realities of workplace hazards, and these statistics are not mine; they were provided by the International Labour Organization:

Each year, over 2.8 million workers die from occupational accidents and work-related diseases.

Over 374 million workers suffer non-fatal injuries annually, many of which lead to long-term disabilities or reduced quality of life.

The economic cost of poor occupational safety and health is estimated at nearly 4% of global GDP annually, a staggering burden on productivity, healthcare systems, and social welfare.

These statistics are not just numbers; they are human lives, families disrupted, and dreams shattered. They remind us that workplace safety is not a privilege to be enjoyed by a few but a right owed to all.

Within the context of our own country, our peculiar socio-economic realities make workplace safety and social protection even more urgent.

Data Gaps: Accurate national data on workplace accidents remains limited. However, the Nigeria Social Insurance Trust Fund, through its Employees’ Compensation Scheme, continues to receive increasing claims from affected workers and employers.

High-Risk Sectors: Industries such as construction, oil and gas, and manufacturing remain prone to frequent and sometimes fatal workplace accidents. Poor adherence to safety standards, inadequate enforcement, and limited awareness exacerbate the problem.

Informal economy Vulnerability: With over 80% of Nigeria’s workforce engaged in the informal economy, millions of workers remain outside structured occupational safety nets, leaving them and their families highly vulnerable in the event of accidents or diseases.

Cultural and Institutional Weaknesses: In many workplaces, safety culture is weak. Employers often see safety compliance as a cost rather than an investment, while workers themselves may lack training or incentives to prioritize safety.

The outcome of these realities is clear: rising workplace accidents, preventable occupational illnesses, and increasing claims for compensation. More importantly, the loss of human capital undermines national productivity and deepens poverty traps for affected families.

Why Workplace Safety and Social Protection Matter

Workplace safety and social protection are not optional luxuries; they are fundamental pillars of social justice, human dignity, and economic sustainability.

They ensure dignity, peace of mind, and assurance that one’s labour will not become a source of tragedy for one’s family.

They enhance productivity, reduce downtime due to accidents, and foster industrial harmony.

They reduce the burden on healthcare systems, mitigate poverty, and enhance national competitiveness.

In essence, workplace safety and social protection are as much about human rights as they are about economic development. A nation that fails to protect its workers fails to protect its future.

The Employees’ Compensation Act, 2010: A Paradigm Shift

The enactment of the Employees’ Compensation Act (ECA), 2010 marked a watershed moment in Nigeria’s labour and social security landscape. It replaced the Workmen’s Compensation Act, a law that had long been criticized for its narrow scope, rigidity, and employer-centric bias.

For decades, Nigerian workers and their families bore the brunt of a compensation system that failed to adequately recognize the evolving realities of modern workplaces. The law operated within the framework of an industrial era that no longer reflected the complex dynamics of contemporary employment relationships. Workers were often left destitute after workplace accidents, while employers faced prolonged litigation that neither restored the injured nor secured industrial harmony.

The ECA 2010 emerged as both a legal reform and a moral commitment, aligning Nigeria with international best practices, especially as recommended by the International Labour Organization (ILO) conventions on occupational safety, health, and social security.

1. Comprehensive Coverage

One of the most remarkable contributions of the ECA is its expansive scope.

It applies to all employers and employees across both the public and private sectors, creating a unified national standard.

It extends protection beyond physical accidents to include:

Occupational injuries sustained in the course of work.

Occupational diseases arising from exposure to harmful substances or hazardous environments.

Permanent and temporary disabilities, whether partial or total.

Mental health challenges linked to workplace stress, trauma, or hazards, an innovative inclusion that reflects global recognition of psychosocial risks.

By broadening its ambit, the ECA acknowledges the complex and evolving nature of work, ensuring that no worker is left behind simply because their injury or illness does not fit into a narrow definition.

2. Employer Contribution System

The ECA dismantled the inequitable structure of the past where individual employers bore sole liability for compensation. Under the Workmen’s Compensation Act, an employer had to directly compensate an injured worker, often leading to disputes, prolonged court cases, and financial strain.

In contrast, the ECA introduced a collective, pooled system where employers across sectors contribute to a central fund administered by the Nigeria Social Insurance Trust Fund. The Fund ensures that resources are available upfront to address claims promptly, rather than waiting for the outcome of litigation.

The pooled risk model reflects the principle of social solidarity, spreading risks and costs across the economy, rather than isolating them within a single workplace.

This mechanism not only secures workers’ rights but also protects employers from the unpredictability of individual liability. It shifts the focus from blame to shared responsibility.

3. Quick and Fair Compensation

The ECA was deliberately designed to speed up and humanize the compensation process.

Injured workers are entitled to immediate medical treatment without the burden of proving employer negligence. Beyond treatment, workers receive physical rehabilitation, vocational training, and support for reintegration into the workforce.

In cases of permanent or temporary disability, the law guarantees structured financial support. Dependents of workers who lose their lives in workplace accidents receive death benefits, ensuring families are not plunged into poverty.

This no-fault principle, where workers are compensated regardless of negligence, removes the adversarial tension of litigation. It prioritizes healing, dignity, and security over legal wrangling.

4. The Social Security Dimension

Perhaps the most transformative feature of the ECA is its broad social security orientation. Unlike its predecessor, the Act is not limited to post-accident compensation but also embraces prevention, rehabilitation, and reintegration.

5. A Balance between Rights and Responsibilities

The genius of the Employees’ Compensation Act lies in its balance.

For workers, it guarantees protection without the hurdles of litigation or the uncertainty of employer discretion. For employers, it eliminates the risk of crippling lawsuits and provides predictable contributions into a shared pool. For the nation, it strengthens social justice, reduces systemic poverty traps, and aligns Nigeria with international labour standards.

Thus, the ECA 2010 represents more than just legal reform, it is a paradigm shift towards a modern, inclusive, and humane labour ecosystem. It affirms that in Nigeria’s pursuit of growth, the lives and dignity of workers cannot be treated as expendable.

Current Realities and Challenges

Fifteen years after its enactment, the Employees’ Compensation Act 2010 has undoubtedly transformed Nigeria’s labour compensation framework. The establishment of a no-fault, pooled compensation system has brought hope to thousands of workers and their families. Yet, as with most legal and policy reforms, the journey from law on paper to lived reality has been uneven.

While progress has been recorded in claims processing, accident coverage, and legal clarity, several persistent and emerging challenges continue to undermine the Act’s full impact.

 

 

Low Employer Compliance

One of the most pressing realities is incomplete employer compliance, especially among Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises (SMEs).

Despite being the backbone of Nigeria’s economy, accounting for over 80% of jobs and nearly 50% of GDP, many SMEs either fail to register with the NSITF or under-declare their workforce size and wage bills.

Reasons for non-compliance include limited awareness of legal obligations, perceived cost burden of contributions and weak enforcement and monitoring mechanisms.

The result is that millions of workers in SMEs remain outside the protective umbrella of the Act, leaving them vulnerable to poverty traps in cases of workplace accidents.

This compliance gap undermines the spirit of universality and inclusivity envisioned by the law.

Limited Awareness Among Workers and Employers

A large proportion of Nigerian employees remain unaware of their rights under the Act.

Many workers do not know they are entitled to compensation in cases of occupational injury or disease. In some cases, employers exploit this ignorance by discouraging claims or providing token settlements instead of due benefits.

Even among educated workers, there is often confusion between ECA entitlements and other social protection schemes like pensions or health insurance.

Awareness campaigns have been sporadic, with limited penetration outside major cities. For a country with over 70 million workers in the informal and formal sectors combined, sustained national enlightenment is essential and we are committed to doing that to ensure that Nigerian workers understand their rights and the benefits associated with complying with the Employee’s Compensation Act.

Under-Reporting of Workplace Accidents

Another major challenge is the systemic under-reporting of workplace accidents and occupational diseases.

Many employers fear that reporting incidents will attract sanctions, regulatory scrutiny, or reputational damage.

Workers themselves sometimes avoid reporting for fear of losing their jobs, stigmatization, or bureaucratic delays in accessing benefits. This results in a data gap, making it difficult for policymakers and regulators to accurately assess the scope of occupational risks in Nigeria.

For instance, while the International Labour Organization estimates that 2.8 million workers die globally every year from work-related causes, Nigeria’s official records capture only a fraction of actual cases. The absence of reliable, comprehensive data limits the country’s ability to design targeted interventions.

Changing Work Dynamics in a New Economy

The world of work is changing rapidly, and Nigeria is no exception. The ECA 2010, while progressive, must continuously adapt to these evolving realities.

Platforms like ride-hailing services, delivery apps, and freelance digital work create new categories of workers who often fall outside traditional employer-employee relationships.

As I have mentioned, over 80% of Nigerian workers operate in the informal economy, where workplace safety standards are often non-existent. Extending the ECA’s protections to this vast segment remains a daunting but necessary task.

The COVID-19 pandemic accelerated remote work adoption, raising new questions about what qualifies as a “workplace accident” when work is performed from home.

With automation, robotics, and artificial intelligence entering workplaces, new categories of hazards, such as ergonomic injuries, mental stress, or even cyber-related risks are emerging.

These shifts demand dynamic legal interpretation and possible amendments to ensure that the ECA remains relevant in a rapidly changing labour market.

These realities highlight the need for multi-sector collaboration, linking labour law enforcement with broader economic reforms, social welfare, and national development strategies.

The Role of Lawyers and Policymakers

The implementation and impact of the Employees’ Compensation Act, 2010 cannot rest on the NSITF alone. Like every piece of transformative legislation, the ECA lives and breathes through the interpretation, advocacy, and enforcement carried out by lawyers, judges, and policymakers.

Apart from our expectation of you as advocates of the efficacy and importance of the Employees’ Compensation Scheme, the most crucial expectation we have of you lawyers and leaders of the bar here is to lead by example.

We must comply with the law ourselves. We must ensure that all law firms practicing law in Nigeria subscribe to the Employees’ Compensation Scheme.

As you all know, law practice, particularly those of our colleagues engaged in dispute resolution practices comes with its risks. Lawyers travel to different parts of this country practicing their trade, advocating and defending clients. These journeys come with risk.

For the corporate and commercial lawyers, they tend to sit for hours reviewing documents, negotiating agreements and also do a lot of traveling in the course of work. These long hours at work stations often leads back and spinal injuries.

Indeed, the pressure of work could sometimes lead not only to physical challenges but to mental stress as well. Yet, majority of our law firms are not complying with the Employees’ Compensation Scheme to give their employees, fellow lawyers the safety net the law prescribed and which they all deserve.

The NBA must do more and ensure that all law firms comply with the Employees’ Compensation Act to safeguard our workforce. And it is my hope that the Welfare Committee of the NBA will champion this initative.

We must ensure that evidence of compliance with the ECA becomes part of documentation for aspiring to be Senior Advocates. As part of the law firm inspection exercise towards the conferment of silk, I urge us to ask for evidence that law firms are complying with the Employees’ Compensation Act akin to our position on payment of pension obligations for lawyers.

Corporate lawyers are often the first point of contact for businesses seeking to understand their obligations under labour laws. It is therefore incumbent on them to educate employers, particularly SMEs on the necessity of compliance with the ECA, not only as a legal requirement but as a strategic business investment.

When disputes arise, lawyers must uphold the spirit of social justice embedded in the Act, ensuring that compensation claims are pursued diligently and without undue delay.

Beyond individual cases, the legal community must serve as advocates of systemic reform, engaging with government and civil society to strengthen workplace safety and employee protections.

The Nigerian Bar Association can serve as a bridge between policymakers and the workforce, ensuring that the law keeps pace with global best practices and local realities.

As to the role of the judiciary, we acknowledge that the courts play a pivotal role in giving life to the Act. Therefore, judicial interpretation must consistently reflect the protective, worker-centred philosophy of the ECA.

Landmark rulings can set precedents that discourage employers from evading responsibilities and embolden employees to seek justice without fear.

The judiciary must guard against narrow, technical interpretations that undermine the law’s purpose. Instead, it must elevate the principle that the protection of human dignity is paramount.

From the legislative perspective, our law makers must recognize that the labour market is evolving faster than ever before. Regular amendments to the ECA 2010, whether to address the gig economy, informal economy realities, or technological hazards, are necessary to maintain its relevance.

The ECA 2010, therefore, should not be viewed solely as a labour statute, but as a human rights instrument, a guarantee that every Nigerian worker deserves protection, dignity, and a safety net against the uncertainties of life.

The Future of Workplace Safety and Social Protection in Nigeria

Looking forward, the NSITF’s vision is to build a comprehensive social security architecture for Nigeria, with the ECA as its cornerstone. The Act laid the foundation, but the building of a resilient, inclusive, and future-ready system requires bold innovations.

The Fund is embracing technology-driven solutions to improve speed, transparency, and accountability.

Real-time reporting systems will allow employers and workers to instantly report accidents through digital platforms, ensuring quicker responses. Data analytics will enable predictive modelling, identify high-risk sectors and help prevent accidents before they happen.

E-certificates of compliance which we have already introduced, are reducing fraud and making compliance verification seamless.

The ECS’s future lies in creating innovative schemes tailored to suit the informal economy. Pilot projects are already exploring contributory micro-schemes that will allow even low-income workers to enjoy compensation and protection.

Extending coverage to the informal economy is not only a matter of justice but also of national productivity, since these workers drive much of Nigeria’s growth.

Compensation after injury is important, but prevention is better, cheaper, and more sustainable. The Fund is investing in workplace safety audits to identify risks early, we are undertaking compliance inspections with deterrent sanctions for violators and enhancing our capacity through programs, training employers and employees on global best practices in occupational safety and health (OSH).

By fostering a culture of prevention, Nigeria can reduce workplace accidents and improve productivity across sectors.

Nigeria must continue to harmonize with international standards by ratifying and implementing relevant ILO conventions on occupational safety and health. We must learn from other countries with mature compensation frameworks and systems.

We must leverage partnerships with global organizations to build capacity, fund safety initiatives, and modernize systems. These sorts of global alignment ensures that Nigerian workers are not left behind in an increasingly interconnected labour market.

Conclusion

Distinguished colleagues, learned friends, ladies and gentlemen, the Employees’ Compensation Act, 2010 is more than a statute on the books. It is a covenant of dignity, a shield of protection, and a beacon of social justice for the Nigerian worker.

It represents a promise, that when a worker is injured, they will not be abandoned; when a family loses its breadwinner, they will not be thrown into despair; and when an employer invests in safety, they will be rewarded with loyalty, productivity, and peace.

To truly “Stand Out, Stand Tall,” as this conference theme challenges us, we must rise above rhetoric and build a society where no worker leaves home in fear that their daily bread could cost them their life, no child is forced out of school because an injured parent can no longer provide and no widow or widower is left destitute because justice was delayed or denied.

This is not just about labour law, it is about the soul of our nation. A society that protects its workers protects its future. A nation that neglects its workforce undermines its destiny.

The call before us today is clear.

Lawyers must be the vanguard of compliance and justice, using their knowledge to protect the vulnerable.

Policymakers must be visionaries, ensuring that our laws evolve with the realities of modern work.

Employers must see safety and social protection not as costs, but as investments in their people and their productivity.

And institutions like the NSITF must continue to lead with innovation, transparency, and courage.

If we do this, we will build more than safe workplaces, we will build a safer Nigeria. We will do more than compensate accidents, we will prevent them. We will not just write laws; we will write legacies.

Together, we can build a Nigeria where every citizen can stand out in excellence and stand tall in dignity.

Thank you.

May God bless our workers.

May God bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

Oluwaseun Faleye
Managing Director/CE
Nigeria Social Insurance Trust Fund

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OPINION

US Visa Applicants And Social Media Disclosure: A Risky Overreach With Dire Consequences For Nigerians

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By Olufemi Soneye

The United States has recently implemented a sweeping immigration policy requiring nearly all visa applicants to disclose their social media handles and digital histories. Framed as a tool to bolster national security, counter terrorism, and curb cybercrime, the measure may appear reasonable on paper. But for Nigerians and many others from countries with vibrant, digitally active populations the consequences are troubling and far-reaching.

Nigeria’s dynamic online culture is marked by satire, political commentary, and spirited debate. In this context, posts that are humorous or culturally specific may be misunderstood by foreign officials unfamiliar with the nuances of local discourse. What may be a harmless meme or satirical remark in Nigeria could be wrongly interpreted as extremist, subversive, or fraudulent by US immigration authorities.

This does not merely pose a risk to individual visa applicants. It threatens broader societal values such as freedom of expression, cultural authenticity, and civic engagement. It also risks further straining US–Nigeria relations at a time when collaboration and mutual respect are more important than ever.

The US government maintains that social media activity provides valuable insight into a visa applicant’s character, affiliations, and potential risks. In an age where radicalization and misinformation can proliferate online, there is some logic to this argument. However, in practice, it opens the door to arbitrary interpretations, biased judgments, and significant invasions of privacy.

Disturbing cases have already emerged. A Norwegian tourist was recently denied entry into the United States after officials discovered a meme referencing US Vice President J.D. Vance on his phone. In another case, a Nigerian businesswoman with a valid visa was turned away at a US border after immigration officers reviewed her Instagram messages and claimed her online activity contradicted the nature of her visa. These examples illustrate how subjective and potentially discriminatory the enforcement of this policy can be.

Adding to the concern, the US has launched a pilot program requiring visa applicants from select countries to pay a $15,000 bond. The initiative, which began with Malawi and Zambia, reportedly targets nations with high visa overstay rates and could be expanded. It sends a chilling message: that citizens of certain countries are presumed guilty until proven otherwise.

For Nigerians, the implications are especially severe. Privacy is the first casualty. Applicants must now submit their digital footprints including personal conversations, private networks, and online affiliations to a foreign government. Freedom of expression is the next victim. Young Nigerians, who make up the majority of users on platforms like X (formerly Twitter), TikTok, and Instagram, may begin self-censoring out of fear that political opinions or cultural commentary could jeopardize their chances of traveling or studying abroad.

This policy disproportionately impacts the very demographic that is driving Nigeria’s innovation, creativity, and international reputation. Students, entrepreneurs, artists, and professionals, the most globally engaged Nigerians are now the most vulnerable to misinterpretation and arbitrary visa denials. What constitutes a “red flag” is alarmingly subjective: a meme, a retweet, or a political statement could be enough to trigger rejection, with little recourse for appeal.

There are broader implications for the Nigerian diaspora and global mobility. Social media has long served as a bridge connecting Nigerians abroad with their homeland, facilitating civic dialogue, cultural exchange, and philanthropic engagement. If digital expression becomes a liability, this bridge may weaken, silencing a vital global voice and undermining transnational ties.

Moreover, the policy risks reinforcing damaging stereotypes. Nigerians already contend with international biases linking the country to fraud or instability. A policy that scrutinizes their digital lives under a security lens could deepen mistrust, alienate young professionals, and diminish goodwill toward the United States.

The global repercussions are also concerning. If the US, a global standard-setter in immigration policy, normalizes the collection and evaluation of applicants’ private digital histories, other countries may follow suit. This would set a dangerous precedent, where opportunities for global mobility depend not on merit or intent, but on an algorithmic analysis of social media behavior often devoid of cultural context.

National security is undeniably important. But it must be balanced with fairness, proportionality, and respect for fundamental rights. This policy represents a dangerous overreach one that sacrifices privacy, chills free expression, and penalizes those who should be celebrated for their global engagement.

If the United States is truly committed to fostering partnerships with countries like Nigeria, it must recognize that sustainable security cannot be built on suspicion and surveillance. Instead, it should embrace and empower the voices of Nigeria’s youth, educated, innovative, and globally connected who could be among America’s strongest allies in the decades ahead.

 

**Soneye is a seasoned media strategist and former Chief Corporate Communications Officer of NNPC Ltd, known for his sharp political insight, bold journalism, and high-level stakeholder engagement across government, corporate, and international platforms**

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OPINION

Dr Emaluji Writes Open Letter To FG, General Public On National Distress

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Date: August 6, 2025

OPEN LETTER TO THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT AND THE GENERAL PUBLIC

Subject: A Nation in Distress — A Critical Assessment of the Failed Tinubu-Led APC Government

Fellow Nigerians,

As the South-South Volunteer Youth Spokesman of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), I write with a heavy heart and a deep sense of patriotic duty to call attention to the rapid and disturbing collapse of governance under the leadership of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the All Progressives Congress (APC). What we are witnessing is not just a national crisis — it is a complete breakdown of systems and values that once gave our country hope.

In every measurable sector of our national life — the economy, security, food security, infrastructure, governance, and social cohesion — this administration has failed woefully. The consequences are no longer abstract statistics; they are lived realities for millions of Nigerians.

1. Poverty and Hunger at Unprecedented Levels

Today, Nigeria holds the tragic record as the poverty capital of the world. Families go entire days without food. Prices of basic food items such as rice, garri, yam, and bread have more than tripled. Hunger is now a weapon, a daily battle for the poor and even the middle class.

2. Hyperinflation and a Crumbling Economy

The naira has lost over 70% of its value in just over a year. With inflation well above 35%, the average Nigerian can no longer afford rent, fuel, transportation, or medical care. Small businesses are shutting down en masse, while unemployment surges. There is no cash in circulation, no confidence in the banking system, and no trust in leadership.

3. Insecurity Across the Nation

From Sokoto to Delta, Borno to Enugu, no region is spared. Banditry, kidnappings, assassinations, ritual killings, and armed robbery are daily news. Our security forces are overwhelmed and underpaid, while leadership at the top offers empty reassurances and photo-ops.

4. Neglect of Contractors and Economic Sabotage

It is both shocking and unacceptable that Federal Government contractors who executed infrastructure and service-based projects for national development have not been paid for over nine months. In June 2025, more than 5,000 local contractors took to the streets in Abuja to protest non-payment. Many of them are now bankrupt. Some have tragically lost their lives due to stress and untreated medical conditions resulting from financial ruin.

Let it be known that these contractors are the backbone of infrastructure and service delivery in Nigeria. When they are denied payment, schools, hospitals, roads, and water systems remain unfinished. Workers are laid off. More Nigerians fall into poverty. The economy suffers — all because this administration refuses to do the bare minimum: honour its obligations.

5. A Government that Refuses to Listen

President Tinubu and the APC have shown zero regard for public opinion, professional advice, or human suffering. Rather than admit failure and course-correct, they weaponize propaganda, distract with divisive rhetoric, and gaslight the nation with false promises.

Our Stand as ADC Youth Volunteers

As youth leaders of the ADC in the South-South and across the country, we reject this incompetence, this deception, and this collapse. The future of Nigeria cannot be mortgaged to leaders who are incapable of managing crises, who reward loyalty over competence, and who treat Nigerians as expendable political pawns.

We call on all well-meaning Nigerians, civil society organizations, religious leaders, and traditional rulers to rise and speak truth to power. The time for silence is over. A new Nigeria cannot emerge from a foundation of betrayal, hunger, and bloodshed.

Enough is Enough.

Signed,
Dr. Emaluji Michael Sunday
South-South Volunteer Youth Spokesman
African Democratic Congress (ADC)
Email: adcvolunteers.ng@gmail.com
Tel: +234 8065667809

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